** **Review of Economics and Statistics (accepted)** ** I study how domestic political considerations influence the foreign policy choices of autocratic regimes, by analyzing China’s foreign aid. First, using contractor-level data, I document how the regime uses foreign aid projects to help maintain domestic stability: aid projects are awarded to state-owned firms in Chinese prefectures hit by social unrest, increasing employment and future political stability. Second, I find that this strategy to manage domestic unrest affects the global allocation of Chinese aid, since state-owned firms pursue projects in countries where they have prior connections. *Media coverage: Project Syndicate, US-China Today, VoxDev* [[latest version pdf]](https://www.jorismueller.com/files/chinaaid_latest_draft.pdf/) [[AidData working paper]](https://docs.aiddata.org/ad4/pdfs/WPS133_The_Domestic_Political_Economy_of_Chinas_Foreign_Aid.pdf)
Political speech by firms is increasingly common around the world. This paper examines the government as an important, yet understudied, audience for such speech, focusing on how Chinese firms rhetorically align with the state. We introduce novel, general, and replicable quantitative measures of rhetorical alignment, using which we establish several empirical facts: (i) rhetorical alignment is prevalent but not universal; (ii) it has increased significantly over time; (iii) it is more pronounced in state-owned and strategic sectors; and (iv) it is negatively correlated with profitability and positively correlated with performance on political and social objectives. Exploiting two natural experiments, we further show that (v) rhetorically aligned firms experience larger stock price declines following events damaging the Party's reputation, and (vi) firms increase rhetorical alignment after regulatory inspections. Guided by these findings, we propose a conceptual framework wherein rhetorical alignment serves as a commitment device: firms commit to supporting Party interests, and the Party commits to refraining from expropriation. Additional predictions of the framework are tested and supported by the data. [[pdf]](https://www.jorismueller.com/files/public_displays.pdf/)
** **Review of Economic Studies (forthcoming)** ** Diversity can pose fundamental challenges to state building and development. The Tanzanian Ujamaa policy — one of post-colonial Africa’s largest state-building experiments — addressed these challenges by resettling a diverse population in planned villages, where children received political education. We combine differences in exposure to Ujamaa across space and age to identify long-term impacts of the policy. Analysis of contemporary surveys shows persistent, positive effects on national identity and perceived state legitimacy. Our preferred interpretation, supported by evidence that considers alternative hypotheses, is that changes to educational content drive our results. Our findings also point to trade-offs associated with state building: while the policy contributed to establishing the new state as a legitimate central authority, exposure to Ujamaa lowered demands for democratic accountability and did not increase generalized inter-ethnic trust. *[[ReStud forthcoming version]](https://academic.oup.com/restud/advance-article-abstract/doi/10.1093/restud/rdae116/7929608)* *[[NBER working paper]](https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w30731/w30731.pdf/)* [[pdf]](https://www.jorismueller.com/files/statebuilding_Ujamaa_latest_draft.pdf/)
We exploit the staggered introduction of 3G mobile internet in Africa to examine the effect of new communication technologies on the spread of political unrest in and across countries. We design a novel empirical strategy that allows us to separate the direct effect of mobile internet on unrest from spillovers. We find that digital communication networks lead to the spread of unrest independent of physical distance. Preliminary evidence suggests that social media constitute an important channel.